South Sudan Can learn
from Somaliland
On July 9, 2011 the jubilations in Juba lived up to the fanfare with
which the continents 54th nation and the United Nations 193rd member
was inaugurated in, and fittingly so given the lopsided referendum
votes that had underpinned the aspirations of the people of Southern
Sudan. Less precise however, is how the apparent ethnic, political,
and tribal cleavages in Southern Sudan will be curtailed, before
this undercurrent besets this young nation already under the strain
of outside influence and the meddling of neighboring
regional-powers. The Government of South Sudan has not been helpful
in amicably finding solutions that would cease the
internal-conflicts among their indigent populace which does not
augur well for the world's newest country, and this lackluster
action have been aided by the U.S. who remained silent and
unconcerned and a western media that had keenly remained transfixed
on Darfur only. Finding a lasting peace must take precedence for the
government and people of South Sudan as they can no longer avoid the
tensions simmering under the very volatile surface of their
country’s foundation. And now with the secession of South Sudan
concluded with, the seeds of peace to which Africa’s next 54th
nation is to spur from can only be sown by the Pe ople of Southern
Sudan, and this is where the experience of Somaliland can prove
invaluable to the government of Southern Sudan in reconciling and
forging a true consensus to sustain and bond a cohesive nation out
of frail southern coalition where mistrust and animosity runs high.
No other people deserve this opportunity more than the people of
southern Sudan to attain statehood after peacefully expressing their
will and finally determining their own destiny once and for all. For
nearly a half century the people of Southern Sudan have been plagued
and known nothing but war and all of the social ailments that
accompany it. South Sudan has been in a category all to its own, as
part of Africa’s largest country and home to the continents longest
lasting civil war, nothing else compares or comes close to the
mayhem and massacres that the people of South Sudan have bared
witness to or have been acquainted with. Their lives ravaged and
rendered destitute by unending wars that ceased intermittently for
short durations only to resume again with even greater fervor. The
CPA agreement signed in Kenya 2005 halted the recent conflict that
had ensued for the last 22 years and more importantly bequeathed the
people of southern Sudan the chance to finally vote on their
referendum.
The CPA agreement has been important to aspirations of the people of
South Sudan, however it is now more crucial than ever that the
people of South Sudan commence an all-inclusive reconciliation
process among their people, especially now that the common enemy
that held the their coalition together has now but all dissipated.
It is time to address the animosities and mistrust between the
people of South Sudan in order to forgive and move forward with the
building of their country. As secession will not be a panacea to all
of the inherent problems of tribal-political feuds and ethnic
hostilities, oil money will not be substitute for peace and the
solutions devised by foreigners will not suffice nor stand in for
homegrown solutions.
Foreigners like the United States who was not aligned with the
interest of the People of Sudan beyond secession, albeit their sole
efforts of financially and politically backing the CPA agreement
made the country of Southern Sudan possible today. Southern Sudan
was indeed the beneficiary of unilateralism political maneuvering of
a bellicose Bush Administration on the heels of the 9/11 tragedy
vindictively driven to punish Sudan government for harboring the
Al-Qaeda leader late 90’s, a cause further championed by the
powerful evangelical constituents of the Republican Party coming to
aid of Christians in the Southern Sudan and oil companies trying to
neutralize Chinese influence in addition to current reports that the
Pentagon is negotiating to establish the African Command base (AFRICOM)
in Juba.
The security and welfare of people of South Sudan post-independence
was of no major concern to the U.S. as they could have called for or
initiated an all-inclusive reconciliation among the communities of
South Sudan so that the lasting peace to sustain the young nation
could have been garnered. But sadly obtaining secession for Southern
Sudan retained priority for the United States which chose to
overlook and even suppress reports of the inter-conflicts and
bloodshed among the Southern Sudan in fear that such public
acknowledgement could hamper or derail Southern Sudan from seceding,
choosing not to consider how if the continuation of large loss of
lives and bloodshed went unabated it could resurface once Southern
Sudan becomes a nation and inevitable affect the viability and
cohesion of it.
The American political clout and influence were leveraged to alter
any opposing views at the United Nations and subdued the erstwhile
stance of the African union on the unified Sudan, further facts on
the ground were even skewed to generate greater support by propping
up the conflict as between Arab Muslims of the north and Christian
Southerners, while conveniently neglecting to mention that the
Christians are minority in the south, and unlike other parts of
Africa, where religious strife and hostilities are rampant, Sudan
had fared much better and shown greater religious tolerance. Lastly
the bold action of enticing Al-Bashire to not interfere with S.
Sudan’s referendum by hinting to drop the warrant issued for his
arrest by the international criminal court over allegation for crime
against humanity in Darfur as well as removing Sudan of the terror
sponsored list. But such shortsightedness of American propensity has
not been the only problem, other African countries had fallen short
of their moral responsibilities as well, such as the Kenyan debacle
whose secret shipments of weapons and tanks were exposed after the
ship was hijacked by Somali pirates, and which the Obama
administration subsequently threatened with sanctions as political
window-dressing to quell the international uproar of Kenya sending
more weapons to a place already inundated with them.
The mere fact that Kenya was entrusted signatory to the CPA
agreement that it hosted should have compelled it to be a more
proactive in safeguarding the tenants of the CPA, unfortunately the
Kenyan plunder rather typifies the ethical dilemmas facing many
African countries who in fear of losing in favor with new Southern
Sudan Government would rather not offend them even if it their
actions endangers them. There is also Uganda, where President
Museveni had been close ally to the longtime leader of South Sudan
Garang, and the helicopter that he perished in was owned by the
Ugandan government. President Museveni paid dearly for his close
associations with former leader of South Sudan, Sudan government in
Khartoum armed and assisted Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), that has
been at war with Museveni’s Government.
The fidelity of these regional-power countries who by the default of
S. Sudan’s sheer land mass share boarders with it, such as Kenya,
Uganda, The Central African Republic, Ethiopia and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo have been to their own interest. Although
these Countries have been instrumental in one way or another in
aiding the South Sudan’s long arm struggle against North Sudan, they
are now vying for a piece of the lucrative new nation. Blinded by
these ulterior motives some countries have resorted to using ethnic
connections as a way to court officials of Southern Sudanese
Government, not considering how the meddling along of ethnic lines
for mere political or economic gains for any country could prove
catastrophic for all, especially given the numerous culturally
intertwined ethnic communities that many of these neighboring
countries share with South Sudan. No matter how strong or robust
some these countries maybe, we can all recall the ethnic tensions
that flared after Kenya’s last election which highlighted just how
frail it really is. And there is Eritrea, which the Monitoring Group
mandated by the Security Council found their complicity in arming
South Sudan rebels.
Economic interest and expediency rather than principle has trump and
Kenya which had been the last home of SPLM outside of Sudan, has
position itself to providing pipeline from south Sudan through to
its Lamu port of the Indian Ocean, an economic opportunity for Kenya
and a service to the landlocked Southern Sudan which is in a dire
need of it. furthermore Skilled and educated Kenyans have benefited
from the lack of skilled work force of the South Sudan that are
needed to establish government institutions and to run them, and
financially the Kenyan commercial bank dominates the banking in
Southern Sudan. Not to be out done, Ethiopia which was the previous
home of SPLA prior to their move to Kenya have been reported to have
secured an agreement to sell hydroelectric power to South Sudan and
bank of Ethiopia is already operational there.
The possibility of South Sudan disintegrating cannot be easily
dismissed, the social breakdown that has allowed the tumultuous
communal-warfare to persist thus far, could be the impetus that
propels the lingering antagonisms and mistrust to a full fletched
conflict. For God sakes in August of this year alone over 600 people
have been killed over the battles between the Lou-Nuer and Murle
factions in South Sudan, deaths that do not include the nearly 1,000
killed on the previous month from these same tribes, a steady
addition to the lives that have been claimed by the unending tribal
and militia violence as the United Nations contends. The
apprehensibility of these indiscriminate acts have been happening on
a constant and continual basis were signified by a report compiled
by Oxfam where it stated “In one attack in a village in Jonglei
state in August 2009, some 161 people were killed, most of them
women and children”. Sadly these murders largely went unnoticed by
the international media, although for instance that same year in
2009 alone there had been more deaths as result of Southern Sudanese
inter-violence than in anywhere of Sudan including Darfur.
This dire situation is only made worse by many of the South’s tribal
militias who were once allies of the North and used as proxy forces
by Khartoum during the long wars, these individuals raped, murdered
and blundered with the North’s blessings. The government of Sudan in
the north conveniently instigated the ethnic feuds and tribal
differences among the Southern Sudanese people and supplied those
in-line with them with modern arms to commit havoc with impunity.
Some of the more profound heinous undertakings committed by militia
supported by the national government of Sudan in Khartoum were the
Nuer militia that perpetrated the Bor massacre, where they slaughter
women and children of the Dinka tribe, as well as the Nuer –Anyanya
atrocities by the Murle. These heinous acts explains the tensions
and mistrust in the new official army of the Southern Sudan, Sudan
People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), where The South Sudan Defense
Forces (SSDF) and Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA), who were
once feuding enemies have all converged on, and bad blood from the
war era remains higher than ever.
The divisions among the numerous tribes of South Sudan was
heightened in the 2010 presidential elections, when several
prominent Party leaders like Bona Malwal of The South Sudan
Democratic Forum (SSDF), Lam Akol Ajawin of the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement-Democratic (SPLM-DC) and Joseph Malwal of the
United Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF) had all rejected and
refuted the results that crowned Salva Kiir as the president.
Fortunately South Sudan overcame those quarrels that stemmed from
the result disputes, sadly however there other leaders such as Peter
Gadet a former SPLA commander who heads the new rebel group SSLA and
George Athor a previous deputy chief of staff of the southern forces
who have all picked up arms and are at war with the new government.
They are only some of the ones at war with government but many have
accused the current structure of government in Juba as a corrupt and
undemocratic. South Sudan has been a semi-autonomous government
(Goss) that had directly been responsible for the affairs of the 10
states that make up South Sudan and since 2005 the South has
received 50% of oil revenue, and has part-taken and had input in the
overall affairs of the national government under the government of
national unity (GONU). This is all important because it was the
people of Southern Sudan, who brought down their autonomous
government in 1976 over allegation of corruption and favoritism, a
resentment shared of the current government.
Not all the blood in South Sudan has been shed over political
disputes only, the conflicts over resources have been as bad and as
gruesome. The southern ethnic groups have continued to fight over
water and grazing land. Southern Sudanese has had the unfortunate
luck of being home to one of the fiercest cattle raiding, and the
plundering of small farms which all contribute to the extent of
destitute of local, who do not grow any corps at all in fear of
attracting unwanted attention of being raided and looted by the
bandits. Large numbers of these bandits are comprised of Sudanese
youth who have known nothing but war and have not been disarmed or
incorporated to the join the government forces. These youths in
communities with the overabundance of light-weapons, and amidst
warring armed civilians all equally pose threat to the viability of
Southern Sudan.
At this pivotal point for all the mentioned reasons the people and
the government of South Sudan can benefit from accrued wisdom of the
people of Somaliland. Peace needs to be the intrinsic ingredient to
the foundation of South Sudan which will help alleviate its
impediments especially given the amount of blood that has been shed
among the tribes which their age old animosity is predicated around.
The clock is ticking and time could be running out on a sincere
reconciliation efforts intended on crafting lasting peace among the
communities of South Sudan, instead of holding another conference
with a political dimension more concerned with the legitimizing the
new government by mainly appeasing the opposing militia leaders with
government posts than addressing grievances and uniting the people
of Southern Sudan. The difficulties and the animosities inherent in
the social and political landscape of South Sudan will not just
disappear, but rather the ethnic grievances, tribal and political
tensions that culminated over wide period of time need a sincere
homegrown efforts to mitigate these inter-conflicts on the horizon,
which can only be solved amicably from the solutions inherent within
the customs and traditions of the Southern Sudanese people.
The people of Somaliland had already paid dearly before they came
out in the droves to vote overwhelmingly on their referendum in
2001, sealing their affirmation for independence with over 97% of
the votes, an independence they reclaimed a decade earlier in 1991
after union with Somalia was dissolved, shortly after returning home
from the harsh conditions of refugee camps where they sought refuge
from their own government that indiscriminately massacred well over
60,000 civilians.
The peace that exists in Somaliland can be attributed to the
liberators of Somaliland, the Somali National Movement (SNM) who
made forgiveness and reconciliation their priority, instead of
manifesting the bitterness, anger that had fostered over the decade
they braved the bushes and wilderness in addition to the
immeasurable losses gallantly suffered in the war to liberate their
people and land by defeating the Brutal dictator armed with one of
the best equipped and trained armies on the continent. Paramount to
peace the Somali National Movement (SNM) brokered was their
inclusion of the elders and traditional leaders from onset in
finding traditional remedies rather than the negotiations being
outsourced or becoming susceptible to manipulation by outsiders with
top-down foreign solutions.
The first conference convened by the Somali National Movement (SNM)
was not based on politics or the legitimizing of their rule, but on
the brotherly reconciliation of all the major tribes in Somaliland.
In the initial conference held in Berbera locally called
“Walaalaynta Beelaha Waqooyi”, which turned out to be a momentous
accomplishment that initiated healing understanding and more
importantly helped restore trust among the Somaliland's tribes, and
ended up being the needed stepping stone to further dialogues such
as the Grand conference in Burao.
The successful progress in Somaliland’s reconciliations were largely
due to its home-grown legal system called Xeer, which all
inhabitants are accustomed to and is hinged on traditional
mechanisms for finding solution to quarrels and conflicts. Xeer is
an all-encompassing time-tested traditional legal framework that is
by default democratic with a bottom-up-approach where grievances are
aired under a simple tree. Somaliland’s stability was possible
because of the elders spearheading the negotiations as well as the
involvement and ownership taken of the reconciliations process by
the stakeholders-larger society as a whole.
Addition to the indigenous legal system Somaliland’s current status
was only feasible because of the resilience and resolve of the
Somaliland women, who have always been the backbone of Somaliland
society and played a decisive role in garnering the peace that has
made everything possible. They toiled in face of arduous
circumstances as the link and go in between the feuding factions,
they hosted and looked after visiting elders and delegates of the
conferences, on top of preparing meals and decorating the conference
venues.
With the initial conferences held by SNM managing to obtain a mutual
end to hostilities between all the major Clans in Somaliland among
the Isaaq, Dir, Dhulbahante and Warsangali, no one had anticipated
the fallout and internal strife within the iconic Somali National
Movement (SNM) that liberated Somaliland, once the unifying goal of
liberating their land was accomplished. A situation made worse by
the post-war atmosphere of unmentionable destruction and ruin with a
million of displaced Somaliland citizens in the midst of
battle-hardened armed tribal militiamen (Daayday) roaming the
streets looting and plundering, and even as Peace seemed moribund in
those vexing years, the elders never relented nor yielded to
ubiquity of violence, but instead were proactive in calling for the
Boorame conference that lasted for nearly 6 months even though it
did not avert the inter- conflicts that consumed the major cities in
Somaliland. Those conflicts in the mid-1990s eroded the joy, unity
and the euphoric triumph of the Somali National Movement (SNM) and
instead created shock and agony among the people of Somaliland that
they will remember for long time to come.
Somaliland’s current status as a peace of oasis accumulated from the
consensus and compromise forged by the citizens of Somaliland and
the peace it has is constantly a work in progress that is tedious
and unending. Nurturing peace in the postwar environment riddled
with despair and destruction, burdened with displaced citizens and
clan based militias was no small feat for the people of Somaliland,
but their nexus of wise liberator’s, fair-minded elders, the toil of
everyday women with the assistance of the business people and
contributions of diaspora made it possible. Hard-won peace and
harmony obtained internally by the trusting and relying on the
home-grown legal traditional framework of customary laws of the
people and the marginalizing and excluding foreigners from
interfering. Somaliland is only an example of the many other African
countries that utilized traditional mechanism to serve justice and
find peace, countries like South Africa’s truth and reconciliation
commission post-apartheid era, and Rwanda in dealing with the
aftermath of the genocide where nearly a million Tutsis where hacked
to death. South Sudan can find ample examples in varying degrees
that they can look to or even emulate, but only their own homegrown
indigenous methods will be conducive to their socio-cultural
topography.
The salvation of South Sudan depends on its people to find solution
to their own problems, solution that can come from the immensely
rich and value laden heritage of the Southern Sudanese people, which
is ample with cultural solutions and traditional remedies. The bond
that will sustain and solidify the harmony of the South Sudanese
people can only immerge from the wisdom and the breadth knowledge of
the community leaders and traditional elders. The future stability
of Southern Sudan is contingent on its people to collectively find
their own solutions to problems facing them while being cognizant of
the many problems that the secession will not be a panacea to, and
for southern Sudan to prosper and fully benefit from the resources
endowed with it, its homegrown grassroots efforts must truly address
the decades of grievances and perceived betrayals within the
Southern Sudanese people first.
Oil-money, international influence will not have any bearing and
will not be able to mitigate the impending inter-conflicts on the
horizon, as those can only be solved amicably from the solutions
inherent within the customs and traditions of the Southern Sudanese
people. The formation of South Sudan as a nation can’t be based on
the shared grievances against Khartoum. The people of South Sudan
must be impelled to solve their own problems especially given the
prying eyes of neighboring countries driven by self-interest, and
the American assistance that stopped at secession. All the economic
and social disparities will not be resolved overnight in South Sudan
and the dangers of political and tribal cleavages will neither
disappear.
Becoming a new nation might have been the easier part for Southern
Sudan, with Khartoum being held at bay, the hard part however will
be the forging and the sustaining a cohesive nation out of frail
southern coalition that is already feuding. South Sudan has been
forewarned and hopefully they will heed the ominous warnings as
internal-conflicts only erode the social trust which leads to
segmented societies while a peaceful nation is a prelude to a
prosperous one. Only the brotherly reconciliation will enable the
cohesion and consensus that can sustain the harmony and unity of
this young nation with a bright future.
With that I conclude with the wise words uttered by Thabo Mbeki, the
Chairperson of the African Union High Implementation Panel on Sudan,
who stated “Within Southern Sudan, the days and months following the
historic exercise of the right of self-determination will be a time
for healing, for reconciliation and for building a new, inclusive
and democratic Southern Sudan”.
No other people on earth wish and hope for the success and longevity
of the people of South Sudan than the people of Somaliland. A
message personally carried and conveyed to the people of South Sudan
by the President of Somaliland on that joyous day on July 9, 2011 in
Juba.
NABAD IYO CAANO KU WARA, A Somaliland adage meaning “Peace and Milk”
which roughly translates to with Peace fallows Prosperity.
Geleh Ali Gulaid
Geleh@hotmail.com |
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