US STATE DEPARTMENT
REBUKED SOMALILAND GOVERNMENT ON HUMAN RIGHTS
For the second year running, US State Department strongly berated
Somaliland government on human rights violations. It is lamentable
rather than improving the malaise highlighted in the similar report
in 2008, Riyale administration took the opposite path. It was
incumbent on President Riyale to remedy the ills depicted in the
report and lead the country back to the rule of law. He took the
other extreme, adding salt to worsening contusion. To refresh your
remembrance click the link here under for 2008 report
Org;http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/146295
2008 Human Rights Reports: Somalia and Somaliland
Part C
http://samotalis.blogspot.com/2009/04/2008-human-rights-reports-somalia-and_7732.html
The 2009 report was released by USA State Department last week. It
started with a brief background information to establish historical
link between Somalia and Somaliland, and as Somaliland is not yet
recognised, it is reported as a part of large and gruesome testimony
on Somalia. Here-under I pasted the parts that concern Somaliland
for your quick perusal. Those of you who prefer Somali version can
read on this link:
http://samotalis.blogspot.com/2010/03/codkaaga-ku-ciil-bax-23-warbiixntii.html
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
Somalia* has an estimated population of seven million. The
territory, which was recognized as the Somali state from 1960 to
1991, was fragmented into regions led in whole or in part by
thr ee distinct entities: the Transitional Federal Government (TFG)
in Mogadishu; the self-declared Republic of Somaliland in the
northwest; and the semiautonomous region of Puntland in the
northeast. The TFG was formed in late 2004, with a five-year
transitional mandate to establish permanent, representative
governmental institutions and organize national elections. In
Janu ary an expanded Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) extended
the TFG's mandate until August 2011. For the first time, the
Transitional Federal Institutions were all located in Mogadishu
after the TFP relocated from Baidoa in February.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
Use of excessive force by Somaliland government forces resulted in
the deaths of demonstrato rs during the year (see section
2.b.).
In Somaliland an estimated 60 percent of the budget was allocated to
maintaining a militia and police force composed of former soldiers.
Abuses by police and militia members were rarely investigated, and
impunity remained a problem. Police generally failed to prevent or
respond to societal violence.
No action was taken against members of the security forces or
militias who committed killings in 2008 or 2007, and there was no
progress in the investigations of killings reported in previous
years.
Arrest and Detention
Judicial systems were not well established, were not based upon
codified law, did not function, or simply did not exist in most
areas of the country. The country's previously codified law
req uires warrants based on sufficient evidence issued by authorized
officials for the apprehension of suspects; prompt notification of
charges and judicial determinations; prompt access to law yers
and family members; and other legal protections for the detained;
however, adherence to these procedural safeguards was rare. There
was no functioning bail system or the equivalent.
Arbitrary arrest was a problem countrywide.
During the year authorities in Somaliland and Puntland arbitrarily
arrested journalists during the year (see section 2.a.); however,
unlike in previous years, TFG forces did not arrest journ
alists, NGO workers, or UN employees (see section 4.).
Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of TFG-allied
militia arresting persons at random and demanding "bail" from their
family members as a condition for their release.
There were no reports of TFG police detaining persons without
charge.
There were reports of politically motivated arrests in Somaliland.
On April 4, Somaliland police arrested two Hargeisa mosque imams,
Sheikh Ahmed Dayib Aden and Sheikh Abdullahi Mohm ud. Police
arrested Aden after morning prayers for comments made in Friday
sermons about the upcoming presidential election. Somaliland
authorities did not offer specific reasons for the arrests, and on
April6, both clerics were released without charge. On April 14,
Somaliland police arrested clan elder Boqor Saleban Hassan for
attending a rally organized by an opposition gro up on the
previous day. On August 20, the opposition party UCID and KULMIYE
Borame District party chairmen were arrested for allegedly fomenting
insecurity by organizing unauthorized demonstrations. On August 21,
the two leaders were released without charge. There were reports
that arrested persons were sometimes held for extended periods while
awaiting trial. Militias and factions held pre-trial detainees
without charge and for lengthy periods.
Authorities in the country arrested or detained numerous persons
accused of terrorism and support for al-Shabaab.
The report continues exploring all angles of judicial aspects, going
this time to prison environment and administration. It said:
In prisons and detention centres, juveniles frequently were held
with adults. The incarceration of juveniles at the request of
families who wanted their children disciplined continued to be a
major problem. Female prisoners were separated from males.
Particularly in the south central region, pre-trial detainees were
often not separated from convicted prisoners.
The Puntland and Somaliland administrations permitted prison visits
by independent monitors. The September 17 UNIE report described
conditions at Puntland's Garowe central prison as "terribly bad."
According to UNIE, this was due to lack of capacity to hold large
numbers of prisoners rather than intentional abuse. A project of
Somaliland and the UNDP resulted in the formation of an independent
prisoner monitoring committee. The UNDP also extensively trained the
prison custodial corps on a variety of human rights problems. There
were no visits by the International Committee of the Red Cross to
prisons in Somaliland or in the rest of the country during the year;
however, a prisons conditions management committee organized by the
UNDP and composed of medical doctors, government officials, and
civil society representatives continued to visit prisons in
Somaliland. During the year the UNDP managed a program to improve
Somaliland prisons by building new facilities and assisting in
training wardens and judicial officials.
It touched briefly administration of justice in a court of law and
exposed practices that are contrary to our constitution and
democratic principles.
Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Somaliland constitution provides for an independent judiciary;
however, the judiciary was not independent in practice. The
Somaliland constitution is based on democratic principles, but the
region continued to use laws that predate the constitution, some of
which contradict dem ocratic principles. Functional courts
exist, although there was a serious lack of trained judges and a
shortage of legal documentation to build judicial precedence.
Untrained police and other unqualified persons reportedly served as
judges. International NGOs reported that local offici als
often interfered in legal matters and that the Public Order Law in
Somaliland was often used to detain and incarcerate persons without
trial.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
There were no official reports of political prisoners or detainees,
although some arrests and detentions, especially in Somaliland,
appeared to be politically motivated. On September 12 and 13, there
were reports that Somaliland authorities arrested and detained more
than 100 persons, including several opposition leaders, after four
persons were killed during the September 12 public demonstration in
Hargeisa.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
The inability of the judiciary to handle civil cases involving such
matters as defaulted loans or contract disputes encouraged clans to
take matters into their own hands and led to increased interclan
conflict. There were no lawsuits seeking damages for, or cessation
of, a human rights violation. With the breakdown of the rule of law
and the lack of a coherent legal system or effective government,
individuals were not afforded adequate protection or recourse.
The report pinpointed collision of the constitution and the
administrationīs practice regarding freedom of speech and press. It
specifically highlighted lack of independent and free radio st
ations. Equally it exhibited lack of freedom of assembly including
the right to demonstrate. Due importance is given to September
demonstration in support of the House of Representative in which
innocent citizens were shot by the police. The testimony did not
forget to regret undem ocratic restrictions imposed on
political parties to exercise their routine activities
Freedom of Speech and Press
The TFC and the Somaliland constitution provide for freedom of
speech and press; however, th ere were instances of violence
including murder, harassment, arrest, and detention of
journali sts in all regions of the country, including Puntland and
Somaliland. The Puntland Charter provi des for press freedom
"as long as journalists respect the law"; however, this right was
not res pected in practice. Journalists engaged in rigorous
self-censorship to avoid reprisals.
Although the Somaliland constitution permits independent media, the
Somaliland government has consistently prohibited the establishment
of independent FM stations. The only FM station in Somaliland was
the government-owned Radio Hargeisa. The independent media suffered
incr eased harassment from the Somaliland government, especially in
the period preceding the pre sidential elections that had been
scheduled for September 27.
Journalist arrests and detentions increased in Somaliland. On
February 26, in Hargeisa, Somalila nd authorities arrested Mohamed
Abdi Guled, editor of the privately owned weekly Yool; he w as
released on March 20. On March 29, Ahmed Suleiman Dhuhul, a member
of the executive committee of the Somaliland
Freedom of Assembly
The TFC, the Somaliland constitution, and the Puntland Charter
provide for freedom of assemb ly; however, a ban on
demonstrations continued, and the lack of security effectively
limited this right in many areas. Security force use of excessive
force to disperse demonstrators resul ted in numerous deaths
and injuries.
On several occasions Somaliland security personnel prevented
opposition political parties from meeting with supporters and from
holding public rallies. For example, on April 6, Somaliland
pol ice prevented opposition supporters from holding peaceful
processions to commemorate Soma lia National Movement Day.
Police fired in the air and would not allow party leaders to address
their supporters. Security agents often prevented opposition parties
from organizing public gatherings and demonstrations.
On September 12, Somaliland security forces used excessive force
when they killed four demonstrators and wounded many others during a
peaceful protest in front of the parliament. Police and military
personnel shot in the air to disperse hundreds of demonstrators,
mostly youth, gathered to press authorities to reopen parliament.
Police also arrested more than 100 persons in the incident. On
September 13, the Somaliland Regional Security Committee (RSC)
sentenced without due process 40 of those arrested to six months in
prison. At years' end most of these persons were still detained. In
its July report on Somaliland, Human Rights Watch accused the RSC of
perpetrating gross human rights violations, stating the RSC
routinely incarcerated persons, including juveniles, without any
pretense of respecting the due process provided for in Somaliland's
constitution.
There were no updates on the April and May 2008 killings of
demonstrators in Somaliland and Mogadishu, respectively, and neither
the TFG nor the Somaliland administration took action to punish the
police perpetrators.
The report doesnīt forget the misuse of power against Qaran leaders.
It repeated the fact that they effectively lost their basic right to
freely participate electoral process. It said:
The Somaliland Constitution provides for freedom of association, and
this right was generally respected in practice; however, in July
2007 Somaliland authorities arrested three opposition politicians
who were planning to form a new political party. These persons were
released in December 2007. President Riyale stated that he issued an
official pardon; however, their judicial record was not cleared, and
the leaders remained effectively blocked from participating in the
electoral process as candidates for any party.
Somaliland has a constitution and bicameral parliament with
proportional clan representation and an elected president and vice
president. Somaliland authorities have established functio
ning administrative institutions in nearly all of the territory they
claim, which is the same as the Somaliland state that achieved
international recognition briefly in 1960 before entering into a
union with the former Italian colony of Somalia. In a 2001
referendum, 97 percent of voters supported Somaliland independence.
The report elaborated direct responsibility of President Riyale on
the endless postponement of elections. It gave adequate emphasis on
the role of Gurti, hinting the fact that its term was un
ilaterally extended by the President, which looked like an advance
bribe to legalise his overst ay. Quote:
Elected in April 2003, President of Somaliland Dahir Riyale Kahin
initiated several actions to postpone elections for the fourth time
and extend his term in office. Beginning in 2006 Riyale initiated a
process to extend the mandate of the unelected upper house of
parliament, the Guurti, for four years. In April 2008 the Guurti
postponed presidential and local elections and extended President
Riyale's term in office for an additional year. After successful
international mediation, the major political parties agreed to hold
presidential elections in April 2009 after a national voter
registration process under which each Somaliland citizen would
receive a nation al identity card. On March 3, the National
Electoral Commission announced that presidential elections would be
held on May 31; however, on March 28, the Guurti voted to postpone
the elections and extend President Riyale's term in office to
September 27.
The political impasse deepened, and on August 29, police closed the
parliament building. In March and September, opposition political
parties protested the decision to extend Riyale's term despite an
earlier agreement not to allow any further extensions, and in
September legislators tabled an impeachment motion in parliament.
During a demonstration on September 12, Somaliland police fired into
a crowd gathered in front of the parliament, killing four
demons trators and wounding others. Police arrested and detained
more than 100 persons. An extraj udicial process resulted in
an estimated 40 persons being sentenced to six months in prison. The
deadlock was broken on September 25, when the Guurti unanimously
endorsed a six-point memorandum of understanding (MOU) produced by
the international community to move the electoral process forward.
The Guurti announced that President Riyale's term in office would
end one month after elections were held. On September 30, the
president and the two opposition political party leaders signed the
MOU. On October 4 and 5, to begin implementing the MOU, all members
of the National Electoral Commission resigned and President Riyale
appointed a new commission, endorsed by all stakeholders. At year's
end no date had been set for the elections.
It dealt with neighbourhood disputes and clan clashes, embracing
comprehensively the lament able armed conflict of El-bardale.
The report referred to inaction from the authority as lack of sense
of responsibility. A behaviour well known for Riyale's
administration.
In April five persons were killed in disputes over the El-Berdaale
farming land in Gabiley, Somali land. More than 100 clan elders went
to Kalabeyd, used traditional mediation strategies, and brokered a
ceasefire. In a related incident on July 11, unidentified militia
members stopped travelers along the Borame-Gabiley road; they took
10 hostages and summarily executed four of them. Somaliland
authorities did not make any arrests in connection with the
killings. Clan elders sought to capture and hand over the suspects
to police.
No action was taken against members of the security forces or
militias who committed killings in 2008 or 2007, and there was no
progress in the investigations of killings reported in previous
years.
The report positively confirmed the territorial integrity of
Somalialnd based on 1960 borders of British Somaliland and
overwhelming support of its independence in 2001 referendum, yet it
depicted areas of territorial disputes with Putland.
Somaliland has a constitution and bicameral parliament with
proportional clan representation and an elected president and vice
president. Somaliland authorities have established functioning
administrative institutions in nearly all of the territory they
claim, which is the same as the Somaliland state that achieved
international recognition briefly in 1960 before entering into a
union with the former Italian colony of Somalia. In a 2001
referendum, 97 percent of voters supported Somaliland independence.
Somaliland and Puntland continued to contest parts of Sanaag Region,
as well as Sool Region and the Buhodle District of Togdheer Region
during the year. Both governments maintained elements of their
administrations in Sanaag and Sool regions, and both governments
exerted influence in various communities. During the year there were
no renewed hostilities in Las Anod, Sool Region. In January militias
suspected of being from Puntland killed four Somaliland
officials--two civil and two military--who were registering voters
in Widhwidh, Sool Region. Unlike in 2008, there were no reports of
population displacement due to conflict between Puntland and
Somaliland. Somaliland forces remained in control of Las Anod.
All in all the report covered all human rights issues with factual
precision, no exaggeration and little left. It revealed the ills
associated with a democratically elected president whose
practi ces are contrary to its principles, a trend well known in
Africa. It is a wake up call for all Somalil anders to stand
for their nascent democracy and bring back their government to the
rule of law. This nation paid dear to establish its democratic
institutions; it would not be allowed to lose the fruits of those
who sacrificed with their lives
Violation of human rights is always accompanied by all social ills
of injustice and corruption. It is a proof of bad governance,
witnessed by lack of transparency and accountability. This triggers
resource mismanagement and lack of social development, which usually
ends with political instability and if not remedied on time turns
into civil war and subsequent collapse of the state.
It is incumbent upon us all to take proper action immediately and
stop deteriorating abuse of citizenīs rights and avoid dire
consequence it can bring.
United we can build Somaliland where rule of the law is the norm.
ORG:http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/146295
Read full report on my block, click this link:
http://samotalis.blogspot.com/2010/03/somalia-and-somaliland-2009-country.html
Ahmed Arwo
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