Somaliland: A Way out of the Electoral Crisis
Africa Briefing N°67
7 December 2009
OVERVIEW
The stalled electoral process has plunged Somaliland into a serious
political crisis that presents yet another risk of destabilisation
for the region. If its hard-won political stability collapses under
the strain of brinkmanship and intransigence, clan leaders might
remobilise militias, in effect ending its dream of independence. The
political class must finally accept to uphold the region’s
constitution, abide by the electoral laws and adhere to inter-party
agreements such as the electoral code of conduct and memorandum of
understanding signed on 25 September 2009, so as to contain the
crisis and permit implementation of extensive electoral reforms.
International partners and donors should keep a close watch on
developments and sustain pressure for genuinely free and fair
general elections in 2010.
President Rayale’s third term of office should have expired on 15
May 2008. The election that was to have been held at least one month
earlier has been rescheduled five times, most recently for 27
September 2009. The new National Electoral Commission (NEC) has yet
to set a sixth date.
The latest delay was ostensibly caused by the unilateral decision of
the previous NEC not to use a voter registration list tainted by
massive, systematic fraud. This prompted both opposition parties to
declare an election boycott and suspend cooperation with the
commission. The resulting impasse triggered yet another crisis.
Publicly the political elite sought to blame the NEC, its technical
partner, Interpeace, and each other, but the crisis was one largely
of its own making.
The recurrent rescheduling of elections and the fraud-tainted voter
registration process are symptoms of deeper political problems.
While President Rayale and his ruling party have benefited most from
more than a year and a half of additional time in power, all the
political stakeholders are in some way responsible for the selection
and continuation of an incompetent and dysfunctional electoral
commission, rampant fraud during voter registration, frequent
skirting of the constitution and failure to internalise and
institutionalise democratic practices.
The crisis was defused in late September, when the parties – under
strong external and internal pressure – accepted a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) agreeing to a change in the NEC’s leadership and
composition, use of a “refined” voter registration list and delay of
the elections to a date to be determined by the NEC, with input from
independent international experts. The MOU brought the parties back
from the precipice, but it is a vague document that must be
complemented by additional measures to prevent new crises.
Somaliland has made remarkable progress in its democratic
transformation, but political wrangling and wide-scale attempts to
manipulate the political process have corrupted governing
institutions and undermined the rule of law. Democratic
participation, fair and free elections and effective governance need
to be institutionalised and made routine, or non-violent means to
resolve political crises could be replaced by remobilisation of
militias, with significant risk of violent conflict.
Improving the political culture will necessarily be a long-term,
internal process, but as a start the institutions that manage
elections – the NEC and the office of the voter registrar – need to
be professionalised and depoliticised and the electoral laws and
agreements adhered to strictly by both political parties and voters.
International partners should encourage and support the government
and parties to do the following:
Civil society and international supporters must shield the new,
inexperienced NEC from political pressure as it organises the
presidential elections, and the NEC itself must actively resist
succumbing to manipulation. The new commissioners must focus on
preventing electoral fraud, working with international experts to
develop a calendar for the vote, identifying problems with the
current voter registration list and developing solutions for
extensive duplicate registrations. The NEC also should be given the
resources to hire adequate staff.
All parties have agreed to the need for a revised registration list.
The problem is that the list clearly still contains too many
duplicate records and is not trusted by the political parties.
Priorities for the new NEC should include hiring a competent,
impartial permanent registrar and complementing the list with
alternative methods and mechanisms for voter verification and fraud
prevention, such as using indelible ink to identify those who have
voted, limiting polling hours and imposing driving prohibitions to
prevent parties and clans from transporting people to multiple
locations. The emphasis should be on improving the process of
updating the database and transferring the capability to do so to
the Somaliland staff.
Because of concerns for its accuracy, the registration list should
not be used to determine the number of ballots and ballot boxes for
particular areas, since that could lead to ballot stuffing where
there was greater registration fraud. Agreement is needed on the
number of boxes and ballots to be sent to the polling stations.
Unconstitutional extensions of mandates must stop. Separate
elections should be held for both the House of Representatives and
district councils in 2010. More contentious will be renewal of the
Guurti, presently the non-elected, clan-nominated upper house of the
parliament. The constitution provides its members should be selected
every six years, but does not stipulate how. Renewal has not
happened since 1997, and the procedure needs to be defined urgently.
The constitutional provision limiting the number of political
parties able to compete in legislative and presidential elections to
three has resulted in the monopolisation of power by the parties and
leaders who were in place when the constitution was adopted. A new
law clarifying how these three parties are to be chosen and
permitting changes, coupled with a permanent system for the
registration of new and independent political associations, should
be adopted to encourage competition and accountability in political
life.
The new NEC, with donor support, should identify established,
reputable local NGOs to prepare pre-election voter education and
civic awareness campaigns. Materials should be developed for
schools, and the education ministry should require classes on
democratic practices. Clerics should be enlisted to raise awareness
of election laws.
Local NGOs, with foreign technical aid, should help train party and
civil society observers to detect fraud, resist political and clan
pressures and carry out nationwide election monitoring, partnering
where possible with international monitors.
Source:
http://www.crisisgroup.org
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