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U.S POLICY IN SOMALIA
Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Subcommittee On Africa
ANIIS A. ESSA
DIRECTOR OF SOMALILAND ADVOCACY GROUP
APRIL 7, 2015
Mr. Chairman Jeff Flake, Ranking member Edward Markey,
and other Members of the Subcom mittee:
Thank you for inviting me to present on one of the most
troubled and tragic societies in the world today. I am
speaking to you as one who’s fate, but for the grace of
God, would have been the same as the millions of Somalis
now displaced, starving, disabled, or dead. I am inde ed
fortunate to be spared all the hardship and humiliation
these voiceless millions are endur ing today. Yet, like
many Somalis in this audience and elsewhere, I feel both
anguish and sha me about the state of helplessness,
despair, and total ruin to which the Somali people have
been reduced.
My anguish comes from having lost relatives and friends
but also from the daily reports that innocent people
infants and children, mothers and fathers, women and
men- are dying due to a cycle of violence that few
understand and the international community is unable to
sto p. My feeling of shame derives from my conviction
that I am duty bound to do something to help, that I
want to help, that I can help, but I have not found a
way of making a difference in the current systems and
politics of aid.
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee, in the few
minutes I was asked to give my testimony, I want to
speak for the voiceless millions of Somalis who are
driven into homeles sness and despair. I will conclude
with a few suggestions of my own regarding humanitarian
assistance and search for solutions. The silent millions
of Somalis would say the following in a nutshell: Not
long ago, we possessed self-respect and a sense of
belonging. We were one pe ople, one nation. We had land,
we had homes, we had families, we had neighbors, we
own ed little material wealth but our culture was rich.
We had a social system which assisted the ne edy,
protected the weak, and controlled criminal behavior. We
valued human life. We had relied on our efforts, not on
hand-out and foreign aid.
Twenty-one years of dictatorship distorted our
character, our culture, and our humanity. We no longer
know who our friends are, and who our enemies are.
Today, we are strangers, toreros and predators to one
another. The paranoia and venom of one man who had
powerful allies has become a system of governance and a
way of life for twenty-one years. Our ethical campus is
distorted, our moral order has collapsed. We no longer
are individuals, only victims in the collective guilt of
the clan or presumed agents of a group. Our cities lie
in ruins, our homes are destroyed, and our social system
has broken down. Land-mines and graves dot the
landscape. The Al-Shabab and warlords causing mayhem in
and outside Mogadishu are continuing the legacy of
valuing personal power over human life. They, the
civilians, are the cannon fodders for the ambitions of
the few who seek to rule by violence. We are both
victims and participants of this madness.
War is at all times destructive. Civil war makes the
self and society as the battleground. It blurs
conventional distinctions of who is your enemy and who
is your ally. It confounds all basic assumptions,
beliefs, and human relations. Our conflict is not
between capitalists and socialists; it is between
Islamic fundamentalists and secular westerners. It is a
conflict that has its roots in tyranny of the few and
the repeated hurts of the majority. The violence toda y
is therefore a by-product and an attempt mainly at
self-protection, however seemingly irr ational. Pious
calls to lay down arms will not work unless the causes
of the problem are addr essed. Nor can durable solutions
be imposed; it will come only from peaceful negotiation
of all parties involved. The Somalis are sick and tired
of wars—sick and tires of burying their loved ones or
seeing their children die of hunger and disease. We must
quickly find solutions, or else we will all perish.
Somalis need your help in two areas:
Humanitarian assistance to keep Somalis alive and
mediational assistance to get Somalis taking with one
another again. This is what I think you would hear from
voiceless millions if they had the opportunity to speak
to you. I would add to this the following
recommendations:
Rush humanitarian assistance to every accessible Somali
community.
As the ICRC “Emergency Plan of Action” makes quite
clear, that fate of the Somali people lies in the hands
of the international community. Any delay will result in
the death of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands of
lives, and the violence will escalate. Do not be misled
by the claim of some Somalis that one clan needs more
humanitarian assistance then another. Such claims
illustrate the mean competition and loss of goodwill
which are the legacy of the Siad Barre regime. Every
Somali community today needs, and should be given,
humanitarian assis tance.
Provide not only emergency aid but also rehabilitation
assistance.
While massive food and medical assistance is needed,
plans for rehabilitation should be draw n up and
implemented without delay. Materials for re-building,
veterinary service, and seed distribution for farming
should be given highest priority. Clearing the land
–mines as rapidly as possible is an absolute necessity.
Support and encourage the Department of State to
intensify the search for political settlement:
Without political settlement, the violence will
escalate. Sending Peace keeping force without consent of
the parties to the conflict is counterproductive even if
possible. The United Stat es is in the best position to
diplomatically influence the prospects of peace among
Somalis. This influence should be exercised directly but
without taking sides in the conflicts. To start the
dialogue and negotiation, an open mind should be kept if
Somalis with to reunite or not, establish a federation,
or form independent of Somalia and Somaliland states.
Fixed ideas or imposed solutions will not bring the
desired peace or democracy.
Send a special political envoy that brings focused and
sustained efforts toward peace and reconciliation:
Consider former President Carter top in the list of
candidates for the special political envoy:
President Carter has both the reputation as an effective
peace-maker and the integrity required for the task. In
addition, he possesses the personal commitment and
special skills needed to bring parties with seemingly
irreconcilable positions. If President Carter is
unavailable, another person with similar reputation,
independence, and commitment should be sought. The envoy
could be sent either by the UN or the United States.
Encourage and support every Somali constituencies for
peace and reconciliation:
In the din of violence, only the strident voices of
extremists are heard and the actions of wa rlords are
noticed. Unwittingly, this reinforces greater conflict
and violence. Somali constitu encies for peace should be
identified, encourage, and supported. We cannot put out
fires if those who are doing so remain unrecognized and
unrewarded, as shown by the case of SOMALILAND. For
instance, SOMALILAND has achieved a remarkable measure
of peace and reconciliation. Yet it remains politically
isolated and materially unassisted. This isolation will
only raise the level of desperation and conflict. We
cannot bear another carnage like that occurring in
Mogadishu.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman and Member of the
Subcommittee, the Somali people are in the most
desperate need for assistance. Many individuals and
organizations are providing assis tance. We may forget to
thank them in words but the extent to which a whole
population relies on the humanitarian assistance of
these individuals and organization speaks more than
words. Some government is also assisting. The United
States has given much assistance for which we are
grateful. In particular, the efforts of this
Subcommittee deserve special than ks.
Aniis A. Essa…head
Somaliland Advocacy Group
Washington dc…USA
aniis@yahoo.com
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