Silanyo’s
Predicament - This Time It’s The Presidency or
Perish
Ahmed Mahmoud - alias Silanyo, the chairman of Kulmiye, is a figure
who has been in politics for the last four decades and has held
several political posts during that period. He is a man who has
always wanted to be in the limelight of Somali politics and whenever
one curtain at a stage falls he has always managed to bounce back at
another stage and under another title.
When he left Siad Barre’s regime in the early 1980’s he joined the
SNM rebel group and became its chairman. It is said that he never
got over the fact that he was not the chairman of the SNM when
liberation dawned in 1991 and thus missed the opportunity of
becoming Somaliland’s first president.
But he remained in politics and became a member of Somaliland’s
first clan-based parliament and later became Egal’s finance
minister. Had Egal been alive during the presidential elections of
2003 Silanyo would have never competed against Egal who was more
popular, charismatic and competent than Silanyo. It is therefore
that Silanyo created his opposition party only after the death of
Egal and it is a fact that Kulmiye was the last opposition party to
be registered. The death of Egal opened a window of oppurtunity for
Silanyo to aim for the presidency and as the Somali saying goes, "Geeriyay
maxaad tartaa? Nin meel waayay ayaan meel u baneeyaa." - "Oh death,
what do you accomplish? I make way for the one who has no place."
During the presidential elections of 2003 Silanyo made a big
miscalculation by thinking that having been a well known political
figure for so long and having been the chairman of the SNM alone
would give him an edge over the little-known Rayaale. But it was
precisely on those two points that he had been so wrong on. The
people of Somaliland, when given the chance of direct election
showed that they did not want the old politicians that they already
knew all too well.
In this context Silanyo was a man whom they already knew had only
hollow rhetoric to offer and had a past record of being incompetent
and divisive. That is why the people of Somaliland chose the quiet
and humble Dahir Rayale Kahin who within the spate of only 10 months
in power as an interim president delivered on his biggest promise to
hold Somaliland’s first ever municipal and presidential elections.
Once again Somaliland holds its second presidential elections in
April of next year. The run up to the upcoming presidential
elections have shown just how Silanyo is hell bent on becoming
president and there are several reasons that make him even more
desperate this time around.
1. On the party level
Chairman Silanyo ceded the post of party chairman to Musa Bihi in
exchange for being allowed to be the party’s sole presidential
candidate and conceded to Musa Bihi’s demand to be appointed as
minister of interior in the scenario of Silanyo winning the
presidency. Relinquishing the post of party chairman was no easy
deal for the authoritarian Silanyo but he was forced to concede or
face the threat of Muse Bihi as an aspirant for the party’s
presidential candidate.
In fact Silanyo gambled away his chairmanship of the party because
if he loses the presidential elections he has in effect no political
position left. But this is no surprise taking into consideration
that the septuagenarian Silanyo’s last chance of sitting on the seat
of presidency, a post that he has always coveted, is during these
elections which means that he could at last fulfill his dream of
being called president at last.
On the other hand Silanyo knows that the post of party chairman in
the face of an election defeat would be of no use to him because he
is old and frail and does not have the energy to remain as
opposition leader for another five years. Therefore, he chose the
more lucrative prize of the party’s presidential candidate because
for him, at such an age, it is now or never.
2. On the clan level
Mr. Silanyo, who is a master at clan manipulation ever since his
days as the chairman of the SNM, has made a lot of efforts behind
the scenes in order to obtain the support of the majority of his
clan. Silanyo was one of the main catalysts in both initiating and
facilitating the Gar-adag clan conference and he himself
participated at that meeting and in an interview with the BBC’s
Somali service he advocated for what he called the ‘’clan’s right to
self determination.'’
Listening to that interview one would have easily thought that it
was the clan-conference’s spokesman speaking and not the chairman of
a political party. However, Silanyo’s real and hidden agenda within
the framework of this clan gathering was to win the maximum support
of his clan during the upcoming elections. A reliable witness at
this conference confirmed to me that Silanyo’s lobbyists and
henchmen at the conference pursued this objective through a two-fold
persuasion argument:
a). That this time around "we" (the
east-Burao based clan) deserve the post of presidency more than any
other tribe since the other two other major Isak clans and even the
Samaroon tribe have had their turn. Their argument was that
Somaliland’s democracy is just pure whitewash, that we are still a
tribal based society and that the east-Burao clan’s best interest
was to vote for Silanyo and the Kulmiye party. They also laid
forward their grandiose plan that the east-Burao clan with it’s
already several notable merchants would become the most powerful
clan in Somaliland if it achieves to hold both the economical and
highest power of office at the same time.
b). That the ageing Silanyo should be
supported by his tribe in his last ever possible attempt at the post
of presidency. Silanyo’s spindoctors played the pity card and whined
that the nearly 80 year old man or ‘’odayga'’ should be given ‘’hiil
iyo hooba'’ in other words full backing in his run for the
presidency and that the clan elders should campaign on his behalf
during the upcoming elections in order to get the maximum number of
pro-Kulmiye voters on the grassroots level or in this case the
"clan-roots level." The clan elders were also entrusted with the
task of raising funds for Silanyo’s presidential campaign by getting
in the necessary financial support from all businessmen who hail
from the east-Burao clan.
Convincing these businessmen is said to be a crucial point due to
the fact that most of them are not so enthusiastic about offering
Silanyo funds since they had already done so in the last election
and incurred losses. However, the ever deceitful and nepotistic
Silanyo is reported to be offering them kickbacks in the form of
huge tax reductions in the event of seizing the post of presidency.
It is reported that Silanyo ultimately succeeded in getting a pledge
of support from most of the prominent members of his clan that were
present at this conference and this explains his enthusiasm for the
conference during the BBC interview. The existence of such an
understanding is evident from the fact that the communiqué issued at
the end of this clan conference stated that several of the
agreements reached were not to be made public because they dealt
with what was called "the clan’s internal affairs." It is worth
pointing out that this is the first time in Somaliland’s history
that a tribal gathering has shrouded with secrecy a whole section
regarding the points reached at their conference.
Silanyo’s descent from a party leader to clan-based and tribal
minded politician exposed his true colors and showed just how low
this man would stoop in order to gain the presidency. His agitation
of his own clan has made ordinary Somalilanders asking themselves
how such a man can be relied on to lead a democracy when he himself
is subverting democracy by practicing clan politics. Furthermore,
Silanyo’s dictatorial attitudes at the recent Kulmiye conference in
Burao have undermined whatever little credibility he had left and
made it clear that he does not possess the competence or the caliber
to rule a party let alone a country.
However, all these unscrupulous actions on the part of Silanyo are
an indication of his ever growing desperation to become president at
all costs. It is quite obvious that he will cry foul if he loses the
election just like he did the last time but with vengeance this time
around. Sources close to the ageing Silanyo say that he has even
gone as far as promising different politicians ministerial
portfolios in his ‘’first cabinet’’ provided that they campaign on
his behalf.
But this tactic has backfired when it turned out that a couple of
candidates found out that one or another candidate had been offered
the same ministry by wannabe-president Silanyo. But what is more
alarming is what these Kulmiye insiders reveal: that Silanyo has
given a clear hint that he will not concede defeat even if he loses
the election. Taking into consideration Silanyo’s past deeds,
power-hungry nature and deviousness it is not hard to believe his
threat because for the aging Silanyo this is his last battle for a
seat that he has always coveted, for him it is do or die, the
presidency or perish.
By Faisal Haji Noor Abdalla
Strasbourg, France
Email:
fai_noor@hotmail.com
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