Abortive TFG-Somaliland Talks: Golden Opportunity for
Somaliland
Domestic policy can only defeat us; foreign policy can
kill us,John Kennedy
The International Conference on Somalia hosted in London
on February 23, 2012 proclaimed th at the question of
Somaliland’s independence is an issue for Somalis to
negotiate. The participa nts of the Conference therefore
encouraged a preliminary bilateral dialogue between
Somaliland and Somalia, as the resulting Communiqué
emanated from the Conference substantiated. Honoring the
clause, the two parties agreed upon the nature as well
as the manner in which the dialogue ought to be
conducted. The path to the bilateral dialogue was the
admission of the rela tive status of the two sovereign
states. Put bluntly, the agreement was that Somaliland
and So malia will re-negotiate as two separate sovereign
states based on their respective status prior to the
union; namely, the former Somaliland Protectorate
(Somaliland) and the former Italian col ony (Somalia).
Accordingly, both parties were anticipated to select
delegates representing their respective government to
participate in the dialogue. Somaliland honored its
promise and opted for five-member Cabinet Committee
whereas the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) failed
dis honorably to uphold its word of honor by adding two
additional delegates who hailed from Somal iland, which
rendered the potential talks null and void, as
Somaliland’s Foreign Minister correctly noted.
This episode provides an assortment of lessons and
opportunities. First, it underpins and intensif ies the
Somaliland’s time-tested and deep-seated conviction
concerning the untrustworthiness of their Somali
brethren. The lessons learned from the hasty and
ill-prepared merger with Soma lia on July 1, 1960 had
instructed and induced Somaliland to never trust Somalia
again due to their dishonestly, mistreatment, brutality,
and attempted genocide. The TFG’s current monkey
business of broken promise apparently resembles the
previous countless occurrences in which Somalia had
broken its promises. Although related cases abound, one
particular episode will suffice. It is one of the
recurring broken promises of the Somalia’s civilian
government in 1960s in which the then Prime Minster
Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke deliberately levied higher
taxes on Somalilanders and reduced the salary of their
military and civil servants. To find remedy for the ill
treatment, a combination of delegates from Somaliland
(including Hussein Ali Duale, aka Awil—the Former
Finance Minister of Somaliland) attempted to present
their grievances to the military and government leaders.
They approached General Daud Abdulle Hirsi, the then
Commander-in-Chief of the Somali National Army, who
promised initially to resolve the issue but instead
ordered a decree of siege in Somaliland and detained
numerous Somaliland military and public officials.
General Daud’s failure to keep his promise resembles his
progeny’s current knee-jerk reaction. This demonstrates
that ‘there is nothing new under the sun.’
The additional aspect that this aftermath instructs
Somaliland is the weakness and ineffectiven ess of the
successive Somali governments. The current TFG
leadership is unable to select five-member Cabinet
Committee, as Somaliland accomplished effortlessly, from
its administration to participate in the talks with
Somaliland by intentionally adding two additional
delegates hailed from Somaliland. Due to the end of his
term, President Sherif is preoccupied to cling to power
and appease contending factions within his
administration and Puntland. Puntland strives to support
certain elements in the TFG administration hailed from
its region, including the current Prime Minster Abdiweli,
to become the next Somali president. Therefore,
President Sharif bends over backwards to accommodate the
political pressure from President Faroole of Puntland
and his crony Prime Minster Abdiweli Mohamed Ali.
Habitual broken promises, incompetence, and egotism
render the current TFG administration unreliable
partner.
This is a double-edged sword for Somaliland. On the one
hand, it is a golden opportunity for Som aliland
government to demonstrate to the International Community
that Somalia is incapable of engaging bilateral
constructive dialogue as their current debacle
illustrates. Thus, Somaliland ca n advance its quest for
recognition by asserting that since Somalia is ill
equipped to participate in bilateral dialogue, it is
high time for International Community to recognize
Somaliland. On the other hand, it is a silencer to
Somaliland opponents who repeatedly accuse Somaliland of
rebu ffing any dialogue with Somalia. It is indeed a
political victory for Somaliland.
Abdi Hussein Daud
Minneapolis, MN |
The author has obtained B.A. in Political Science/Global
Studies from the University of Minnesota and currently
pursuing Masters in Health and Human Services
Administration at Saint Mary’s Uni versity of Minnesota.
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